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Department of Education. In , President George H. He served in that role for 16 months, and on July 1, , was nominated by Bush to fill Marshall's seat on the U.

Supreme Court. Thomas's confirmation hearings were bitter and intensely fought, centering on an accusation that he had sexually harassed attorney Anita Hill , a subordinate at the Department of Education and subsequently at the EEOC.

Hill claimed that Thomas had repeatedly made sexual and romantic overtures to her, despite her repeatedly rebuffing him and telling him to stop; Thomas and his supporters claimed that Hill, witnesses who came forward on her behalf, and her supporters had fabricated the allegations to prevent a black conservative from getting a seat on the Supreme Court.

The U. Senate ultimately confirmed Thomas by a vote of 52— Since joining the court, Thomas has taken a textualist approach, seeking to uphold the original meaning of the United States Constitution and statutes.

He is also, along with fellow justice Neil Gorsuch , an advocate of natural law jurisprudence. Thomas is generally viewed as the most conservative member of the court.

Clarence Thomas was born in in Pin Point, Georgia , a small, predominantly black community near Savannah founded by freedmen after the American Civil War.

He was the second of three children born to M. Thomas, a farm worker, and Leola Williams, a domestic worker. Thomas's mother worked hard but was sometimes paid only pennies per day.

She had difficulty putting food on the table, and was forced to rely on charity. Living with his grandparents, Thomas enjoyed amenities such as indoor plumbing and regular meals for the first time in his life.

Thomas calls his grandfather "the greatest man I have ever known. Raised Catholic , he attended the majority-black St. Pius X high school for two years before transferring to St.

John Vianney's Minor Seminary on the Isle of Hope , where he was an honor student and among very few black students.

No one in Thomas's family had attended college. He had overheard another student say after the shooting, "Good, I hope the son of a bitch died.

While there, Thomas helped found the Black Student Union. Once, he walked out after an incident in which black students were punished while white students went undisciplined for committing the same violation; some of the priests negotiated with the protesting black students to re-enter the school.

Having spoken the Gullah language as a child, Thomas realized in college that he still sounded unpolished despite having been drilled in grammar at school, and he chose to major in English literature "to conquer the language.

Thomas had a series of deferments from the military draft while in college at Holy Cross. Upon graduation, he was classified as 1-A and received a low lottery number, indicating he might be drafted to serve in Vietnam.

Thomas failed his medical exam, due to curvature of the spine , and was not drafted. He said that potential employers assumed he obtained it because of affirmative action policies.

I peeled a fifteen-cent sticker off a package of cigars and stuck it on the frame of my law degree to remind myself of the mistake I'd made by going to Yale.

I never did change my mind about its value. In , when Thomas read Race and Economics by economist Thomas Sowell , he found an intellectual foundation for his philosophy.

He was also influenced by Ayn Rand , [24] particularly The Fountainhead , and would later require his staffers to watch the film version of the novel.

Thomas was admitted to the Missouri bar on September 13, Thomas was the only African-American member of Danforth's staff. Louis, Missouri.

He moved to Washington, D. Danforth was to be instrumental in championing Thomas for the Supreme Court. Department of Education , and then, from to , as chairman of the U.

As Chairman, he promoted a doctrine of self-reliance, and halted the usual EEOC approach of filing class-action discrimination lawsuits, instead pursuing acts of individual discrimination.

Bush to a seat on the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit following the departure of Robert Bork , [35] despite Thomas's initial protestations that he would not like to be a judge.

Thomas's confirmation hearing was uneventful. He developed warm relationships during his 19 months on the federal court, including with fellow federal judge Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

Ultimately however, after consulting with his advisors, the president decided to hold off on choosing Thomas, and nominated David Souter of the First Circuit Court of Appeals instead.

Some of the public statements of Thomas's opponents foreshadowed the confirmation fight that would occur. Both liberal interest groups and Republicans in the White House and Senate approached the nomination as a political campaign.

Attorney General Richard Thornburgh had previously warned Bush that replacing Thurgood Marshall, who was widely revered as a civil rights icon, with any candidate who was not perceived to share Marshall's views would make the confirmation process difficult.

Thomas's formal confirmation hearings began on September 10, After the conclusion of the confirmation hearings, and while the full Senate was debating whether to give final approval to Thomas's nomination, an FBI interview with Anita Hill was leaked to the press.

As a result, on October 8, the final vote was postponed and the confirmation hearings were reopened. She testified that Thomas had subjected her to comments of a sexual nature, which she felt constituted sexual harassment or at least "behavior that is unbefitting an individual who will be a member of the Court.

Thomas was recalled before the committee. He denied the allegations, saying: [64]. This is not an opportunity to talk about difficult matters privately or in a closed environment.

This is a circus. It's a national disgrace. And from my standpoint, as a black American, as far as I'm concerned it is a high-tech lynching for uppity blacks who in any way deign to think for themselves, to do for themselves, to have different ideas, and it is a message that unless you kowtow to an old order, this is what will happen to you.

You will be lynched, destroyed, caricatured by a committee of the U. Senate rather than hung from a tree. Throughout his testimony, Thomas defended his right to privacy.

He made it clear that he was not going to put his personal life on display for public consumption, permit the committee or anyone else to probe his private life, or describe discussions that he may have had with others about his private life.

The committee accepted his right to do so. Hill was the only person to come forward and publicly testify that they had been sexually harassed by Clarence Thomas.

However, she said she did not feel his behavior was intimidating nor did she feel sexually harassed, though she allowed that "[s]ome other women might have".

In addition to Hill and Thomas, the Judiciary heard from several other witnesses over the course of three days, on October 11—13, Altman did not find it credible that Thomas could have engaged in the conduct alleged by Hill without any of the dozens of women he worked with noticing it.

Simpson questioned at one point why Hill met, dined with, and spoke by phone with Thomas on various occasions after they no longer worked together.

After extensive debate, the Judiciary Committee voted 13—1 on September 27, , to send the Thomas nomination to the full Senate without recommendation.

A motion earlier in the day to give the nomination a favorable recommendation had failed 7—7. During debate on whether to confirm Thomas, the Senate asked the Judiciary Committee to further examine the nomination in light of Anita Hill's accusations.

It was only the third time in the Senate's history that such an action had been taken and had not been done since , when the nomination of Harlan F.

Stone was recommitted to the Judiciary Committee. Following testimony concerning sexual harassment allegations, the Senate, on October 15, , voted to confirm Thomas as an associate justice of the Supreme Court by a 52—48 vote.

The 99 days that elapsed from the date Thomas's nomination was submitted to the Senate to the date on which the Senate voted whether to approve it was the second longest of the 16 nominees receiving a final vote since , second only to Robert Bork, who waited days; [76] and the vote was the narrowest margin for approval since , when Stanley Matthews was confirmed 24— Eight days after Thomas won Senate confirmation, on October 23, he received his commission and took the prescribed constitutional and judicial set by federal law oaths of office, and became the th member of the Court.

He was sworn-in by Justice Byron White in a ceremony initially scheduled for October 21, but postponed due to the death of Chief Justice William Rehnquist 's wife.

Thomas is associated with the more conservative side of the Court. He said in "One of the reasons I don't do media interviews is, in the past, the media often has its own script.

Thomas biographer Scott Douglas Gerber has opined that attacks upon Thomas from critics such as Jeffrey Toobin have been unusually vitriolic.

Gerber stated that one reason may be Thomas's race. There are a number of explanations for this phenomenon. The first is grounded in race and ethnicity.

We should not forget that Thurgood Marshall, Justice Thomas's predecessor on the Supreme Court, and the first African-American appointed, was also sharply criticized during his appointment process and in his early days on the Court.

The fact that Justice Thomas is black has undoubtedly played a similar role in how he has been assessed, no matter how much we may hate to admit it.

Other critics have outlined separate reasons. They raise liberals ' disappointment that Thomas has departed so much from the jurisprudence of his predecessor, Thurgood Marshall.

Thomas has said he has a preference for non- Ivy League clerks, although he has hired them. Thomas's influence, particularly among conservatives, was perceived to have significantly increased during Donald Trump 's presidency, [95] [96] and the administration appointed many of his former clerks to political positions and judgeships.

Thomas is often described as an originalist , or textualist , and a member of the conservative wing of the Supreme Court.

Thomas's jurisprudence has also been described as similar to that of Justice Hugo Black , who "resisted the tendency to create social policy out of 'whole cloth.

Crawford wrote in her book on the Supreme Court that Thomas's forceful views moved "moderates like Sandra Day O'Connor further to the left" [] but frequently attracted votes from Rehnquist and Scalia.

From to , on average, Thomas was the third most frequent dissenter on the court, behind Stevens and Scalia. Thomas spoke favorably about the concept of stare decisis , or standing by precedent, during his confirmation hearings, stating that "stare decisis provides continuity to our system, it provides predictability, and in our process of case-by-case decision making, I think it is a very important and critical concept.

Also according to Scalia, Thomas is more willing to overrule constitutional cases than he was: "If a constitutional line of authority is wrong, he would say let's get it right.

I wouldn't do that. Her cited examples include Thomas's concurring opinion in Fogerty v. Fantasy , U. In Franchise Tax Board of California v.

Hyatt , Thomas wrote the 5—4 decision along ideological lines overruling Nevada v. Hall , the earlier decision which said states could be sued in courts of other states.

In dissent from Franchise Tax Bd. Breyer suggested Roe v. Wade might be overruled. Breyer stated that it is best to leave precedents alone unless they are widely seen as erroneous or become impractical.

In Flowers v. Kentucky , which forbids prosecutors from using race as a factor in making peremptory challenges in jury selection, was wrongly decided and should be overruled.

Thomas has consistently supported narrowing the court's interpretation of the constitution's Interstate Commerce Clause which often is simply called the "Commerce Clause" to limit federal power.

At the same time, Thomas has broadly interpreted states' sovereign immunity from lawsuits under the Commerce Clause. In United States v. Lopez and United States v.

Morrison , the court held that Congress lacked power under the Commerce Clause to regulate non-commercial activities. In these cases, Thomas wrote a separate concurring opinion arguing for the original meaning of the Commerce Clause.

Subsequently, in Gonzales v. Raich , the court interpreted the Interstate Commerce Clause combined with the Necessary and Proper Clause to empower the federal government to arrest, prosecute , and imprison patients who used marijuana grown at home for medicinal purposes, even where the activity is legal in that particular state.

Thomas dissented in Raich , again arguing for the original meaning of the Commerce Clause. That doctrine bars state commercial regulation even if Congress has not yet acted on the matter.

In Lopez, Thomas expressed his view that federal regulation of either manufacturing or agriculture is unconstitutional; he sees both as outside the scope of the Commerce Clause.

Proponents of broad national power such as Professor Michael Dorf deny that they are trying to update the constitution. Instead, they argue that they are merely addressing a set of economic facts that did not exist when the constitution was framed.

Thomas has argued that the executive branch has broad authority under the constitution and federal statutes. In Hamdi v. Rumsfeld , he was the only justice who agreed with the Fourth Circuit that Congress had power to authorize the president's detention of U.

Thomas granted the federal government the "strongest presumptions" and said "due process requires nothing more than a good-faith executive determination" to justify the imprisonment of Hamdi, a U.

Thomas also was one of three justices who dissented in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld , which held that the military commissions set up by the Bush administration to try detainees at Guantanamo Bay required explicit congressional authorization, and held that the commissions conflicted with both the Uniform Code of Military Justice UCMJ and "at least" Common Article Three of the Geneva Convention.

Trump , which placed an injunction on the Donald Trump administration's asylum policy, Thomas dissented from a denial of stay application. The Ninth Circuit imposed an injunction on the Trump administration's policy only granted asylum to refugees entering from a designated port of entry, ruling that it violates the Immigration and Nationality Act of Federalism was a central part of the Rehnquist Court's constitutional agenda.

In Foucha v. Louisiana , Thomas dissented from the majority opinion that required the removal from a mental institution of a prisoner who had become sane.

Comstock , Thomas's dissent argued for the release of a former federal prisoner from civil commitment , again on the basis of federalism.

Term Limits, Inc. Thornton , he authored the dissent defending term limits on federal house and senate candidates as a valid exercise of state legislative power.

As of , Thomas was the justice most willing to exercise judicial review of federal statutes, but among the least likely to overturn state statutes.

Justice Thomas voted to overturn federal laws in 34 cases and Justice Scalia in 31, compared with just 15 for Justice Stephen Breyer.

Holder case, Thomas was the sole dissenter, voting in favor of throwing out Section Five of the Voting Rights Act. Section Five requires states with a history of racial voter discrimination—mostly states from the old South—to get Justice Department clearance when revising election procedures.

Although Congress had reauthorized Section Five in for another 25 years, Thomas said the law was no longer necessary, pointing out that the rate of black voting in seven Section Five states was higher than the national average.

Thomas said "the violence, intimidation and subterfuge that led Congress to pass Section 5 and this court to uphold it no longer remains.

Holder , voting with the majority and concurring with the reasoning which struck down Section Five. By , Thomas was the second most likely among the nine justices to uphold free speech claims tied with David Souter.

With respect to the Establishment Clause, Clarence Thomas espouses accommodationism. Thomas has made public his belief, that all limits on federal campaign contributions are unconstitutional, and should be struck down.

On occasion, however, Thomas has disagreed with free speech claimants. For example, he dissented in Virginia v. Black , a case that struck down part of a Virginia statute that banned cross burning.

Concurring in Morse v. Frederick , he argued that the free speech rights of students in public schools are limited.

Texas Division, Sons of Confederate Veterans , he joined the majority opinion that Texas's decision to deny a request for a Confederate Battle Flag specialty license plate is constitutional.

Thomas authored the decision in Ashcroft v. The government was enjoined from enforcing it, pending further proceedings in the lower courts.

Ohio Elections Commission , U. Playboy Entertainment Group Newdow , Thomas wrote: "It may well be the case that anything that would violate the incorporated Establishment Clause would actually violate the Free Exercise Clause, further calling into doubt the utility of incorporating the Establishment Clause.

Wilkinson , Thomas wrote: "I note, however, that a state law that would violate the incorporated Establishment Clause might also violate the Free Exercise Clause.

Thomas agreed with the judgment in McDonald v. Chicago that the right to keep and bear arms is applicable to state and local governments, but Thomas wrote a separate concurrence finding that an individual's right to bear arms is fundamental as a privilege of American citizenship under the Privileges or Immunities Clause rather than as a fundamental right under the due process clause.

The four justices in the plurality opinion specifically rejected incorporation under the privileges or immunities clause, "declin[ing] to disturb" the holding in the Slaughter-House Cases , which, according to the plurality, had held that the clause applied only to federal matters.

Since , Thomas has dissented from denial of certiorari in several Second Amendment cases. He would have voted to grant certiorari in Friedman v.

City of Highland Park , which upheld bans on certain semi-automatic rifles, Jackson v. San Francisco , which upheld trigger lock ordnances similar to those struck down in Heller , Peruta v.

San Diego County , which upheld restrictive concealed carry licensing in California, and Silvester v. Becerra , which upheld waiting periods for firearm purchasers who have already passed background checks and already own firearms.

Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives , a case challenging the Donald Trump administration's ban on bump stocks. Only Thomas and Neil Gorsuch publicly dissented.

In cases regarding the Fourth Amendment , which prohibits unreasonable searches and seizures , Thomas often favors police over defendants.

For example, his opinion for the court in Board of Education v. Earls upheld drug testing for students involved in extracurricular activities, and he wrote again for the court in Samson v.

California , permitting random searches on parolees. He dissented in the case Georgia v. Randolph , which prohibited warrantless searches that one resident approves and the other opposes, arguing that the case was controlled by the court's decision in Coolidge v.

New Hampshire. In Indianapolis v. Edmond , Thomas described the court's extant case law as having held that "suspicionless roadblock seizures are constitutionally permissible if conducted according to a plan that limits the discretion of the officers conducting the stops.

United States , which held that the use of thermal imaging technology to probe a suspect's home, without a warrant, violated the Fourth Amendment.

In cases involving schools, Thomas has advocated greater respect for the doctrine of in loco parentis , which he defines as "parents delegat[ing] to teachers their authority to discipline and maintain order.

Redding illustrates his application of this postulate in the Fourth Amendment context. School officials in the Safford case had a reasonable suspicion that year-old Savana Redding was illegally distributing prescription-only drugs.

All the justices concurred that it was therefore reasonable for the school officials to search Redding, and the main issue before the court was only whether the search went too far by becoming a strip search or the like.

American intervention Post- Paris Peace Accords — The New Year's Day battle of was a military engagement during the Vietnam War that began on the evening of 1 January It involved units assigned to the U.

In a released statement, the Viet Cong VC also agreed to observe a hour ceasefire. Troops had that day recently set up a landing zone LZ for supply helicopters.

Once the helicopter pad had been constructed, supplies could be flown in, and on 1 January the 25th Infantry Division's Christmas mail had arrived.

Soldiers spent the day opening packages from their families. On the night of 1 January, six hours before the truce was to have ended, a 2,man force made up of elements of the st and nd Regiments of the VC 9th Division attacked the American position.

A little after midnight, another attack was launched and a third human wave attack around The Americans were finally able to repel the attacks by using air and artillery support.

Air support was provided by attack helicopters and AC Spooky gunships. In total, 28 air sorties were launched against the PAVN.

The Americans said that they counted enemy soldiers killed in the action. By comparison, American forces suffered 23 killed. Last contact with enemy units occurred at when they withdrew from the battleground.

When Oliver Stone returned to the U.

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